Stretching nearly 670 kilometres from Gujarat to New Delhi in the Northwestern India, the Aravalli range is one of the world’s oldest mountain systems. Older than the Himalayas, the range plays a critical role in northern India’s ecology — acting as a barrier against the eastward spread of the Thar Desert, recharging groundwater aquifers, and moderating temperatures in a region increasingly affected by heatwaves and air pollution.
On November 20, 2025, the Supreme Court of India accepted a proposal from the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) to redefine what legally constitutes the Aravalli hills. Under this new definition, only landforms that rise at least 100 metres above the local ground level — along with their slopes and adjoining areas — will be recognised as part of the Aravalli range.
While the court ordered a temporary pause on new mining leases in the area, it made clear that only hills meeting this elevation threshold would qualify for long-term legal protection. This decision, described by the government as a move towards administrative uniformity across four states, has drawn sharp criticism from environmental experts who argue that it overlooks the geological and ecological continuity of the range.
The verdict was among the final judgments delivered by Chief Justice Bhushan Gavai before his retirement. In its aftermath, serious protests and rallies have emerged across India, reflecting growing anxiety over the future of one of the country’s most fragile ecological systems. Environmentalists are afraid that nearly the entire Aravalli system could now be exposed to mining and real estate development.
Against this backdrop, Global Voice’s contributor Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay spoke to Anuradha P Dhawan, also known as Anu PD, a fashion designer, environmental activist, and the co-founder of the Aravalli Bachao Citizens’ Movement. She outlines why campaigners believe the court’s decision poses serious risks to the environment and to communities that depend on the Aravallis.
Below are some excerpts from the interview:
Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay (AB): Before we move on to other questions, could you tell our readers a little about the Aravalli Bachao Citizens’ Movement? How did it all begin?
Anuradha P Dhawan (APD): The Aravalli Bachao Citizens’ Movement is a completely citizen-driven effort to protect the Aravallis from mining, real estate projects, illegal encroachments, landfills and the dilution of environmental laws. On February 24, 2025, residents of Gurugram learned that the Gurugram Metropolitan Development Authority was planning to construct a road cutting through the Aravalli Biodiversity Park, linking National Highway-48 with MG Road in Gurugram. This was a wake-up call for many of us who had been living in the city for a decade or more. Around 200 residents came together in response that day, and for the first time, the slogan “Aravalli Bachao” was raised. For many of us who had lived in the city for years, this was the first time we realised how vulnerable the Aravallis were and how little we actually knew about them.
As discussions began, we discovered that the Haryana government was also planning to amend the Punjab Land Preservation Act (PLPA), a law over a century old that provided crucial protection to forested areas in Punjab and Haryana, including large parts of the Aravallis. The proposed amendment threatened to dilute these safeguards. At that point, it became clear that this was not just about one road, but about a systemic rollback of environmental protections.
On February 27, a small group of us gathered outside three metro stations in Gurugram, holding placards and speaking directly to the citizens about the proposed legal changes and their consequences. That same day, the Haryana Assembly passed the amendment. However, within 24 hours, the Supreme Court stayed its implementation. While it was a limited victory, it convinced us that sustained action was necessary.
That moment shaped the movement. Since then, thousands have joined to work on issues ranging from the NCR 2041 draft plan to forest protection nationwide. We see ourselves not as a formal organisation, but as a collective of citizens defending a shared ecological heritage.
AB: Was there any organised resistance on this issue prior to the Aravalli Bachao Citizens’ Movement, or was this the first initiative of its kind?
APD: Before Aravalli Bachao, there was no sustained, organised citizen resistance focused specifically on the Aravallis. While individuals and experts had long spoken about the range’s ecological importance in various forums, there had not been a collective, citizen-led effort working consistently on Aravalli-related issues. In that sense, the movement marked a first.
AB: Movements to protect the Aravalli range are not new. Why has the Supreme Court’s recent redefinition of the Aravalli hills triggered fresh protests now?
APD: Because people tend to ignore everything until it hits them in the lungs. For years, ecological damage was easy to look away because people were so involved in their day-to-day grind of roti, kapda and makaan (A popular Hindi phrase that signifies the fundamental needs for human survival: roti/food, kapda/cloth and a makaan/house), that it clearly didn’t bother them. Now, all of a sudden, when pollution had started to enter their homes, when people literally couldn’t breathe, when taps ran dry, when newborns were being taken to lung specialists and senior citizens to emergency rooms, they started realising the intensity of the damage.
The Supreme Court’s redefinition order landed at exactly this moment of collapse, and with this latest assault on Aravalli, we decided to leave no space for even one more day of delay. Delhi-NCR and the entire north Indian belt are already one of the most polluted and water-stressed regions in India. Being the biggest climate regulators of the entire northern India, the Aravallis recharge groundwater, act as a natural barrier against desertification, sustain an extraordinary range of biodiversity, and form the majority of the forest cover of the Delhi National Capital Region. Without it, we all will be doomed.
Yet recently, a senior television anchor claimed that Delhi’s polluted air cannot “escape” because of the Aravallis. In an age where mediocrity often replaces knowledge, this level of expertise sadly doesn’t surprise us. The encouraging part is that more people are finally beginning to understand why the Aravallis matter and are stepping forward to protect them.
AB: The Supreme Court banned mining in the Aravalli hills of Faridabad, Gurugram and Mewat in 2002 and again in 2009. Yet illegal mining continues. How is that happening?
APD: In 2020 and 2021, a group of us travelled deep into Haryana’s Mewat region. Officially, we went as trekkers and kept a low profile as we knew the risks. The three districts you mentioned are all no-mining zones, but on the ground, the reality is very different. We witnessed and recorded multiple instances of illegal mining in these areas. One of the biggest reasons this continues is the growing power of the mining mafia. About two years ago, a Deputy Superintendent of Police was killed after being run over by a Backhoe Loader while investigating illegal mining in Mewat. That incident alone shows how dangerous this issue has become. We’ve been working on this cause for a long time, and illegal activity is almost routine now. Blasting usually starts early in the morning and wraps up by around 10 a.m.
Illegal mining happening near ITC grand bharat manesar; Haryana. Photo: Aravalli Bachao Movement org.
Over time, illegal tracks have been carved out for tractors and trolleys, and even camels are used to transport material, especially in remote areas. That’s how mining continues despite the ban.
Camels are being used to carry away the illegally mined sand alongside the lake. Photo: Aravalli Bachao Movement org.
We filed cases and submitted video evidence, but nothing really moved. The legal process just drags on — hearings get postponed, dates keep changing, and the defence keeps asking for more time. It becomes an endless loop.
From the very beginning, our demands have been very basic. For example, a functional toll-free number where citizens can report illegal mining. Although there is a number that exists, it doesn’t work. And even when someone does pick up, complaints aren’t taken seriously.
Simple solutions like using drone surveillance to monitor mining hotspots haven’t been implemented either. Whether it’s the government, the court, or even the system as a whole, it feels like there is a collective unwillingness to protect the Aravallis despite being aware of the consequences.
AB: Do you think the Supreme Court’s recent verdict is a deliberate move to facilitate the implementation of the NCR-2041 plan?
APD: Well, It all seems to be a part of a grand plan. When you look at how things have unfolded over the past few years, it’s difficult not to see a larger pattern. There’s a clear agenda to turn India into a global economic powerhouse, and to make that happen the country’s natural assets are probably being handed over to the corporates. Development, but at the cost of clean air, soil and water. The SC’s verdict fits neatly into this trajectory effectively clearing the way for plans like NCR-2041 and legitimising the corporate invasion of ecologically sensitive land that should have been non-negotiable. The rot doesn’t stop there. Institutions meant to protect the public are being deliberately weakened, stripped of authority so they can’t interfere. The media is constantly being leaned on and individuals who speak out are being targeted and intimidated.
This is an intentional clearing of the field. Obstacle by obstacle, safeguard by safeguard, they’re removing everything that stands in the way of a massive extraction project masquerading as development. For example, after the ease of doing business reforms began in 2019, the environmental clearance rejection rate reportedly dropped from around 70–80% to just 10–15%. In 2023, the Rajasthan government allowed major cement companies into the Aravalli region, opening it up to intensive mining. By 2024–25, Ambuja Cement alone saw a production increase of nearly 300%.
At the same time, agricultural trees has been reclassified as forest to inflate forest cover numbers. When you put all of this together, it becomes difficult to see this as development driven by public or environmental interest rather than profit.
AB: Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav has said that “no relaxation has been granted” for the Aravallis and has accused critics of spreading misinformation. How do you respond?
APD: The problem with the minister’s statement is that it doesn’t really come with verifiable data. There’s no clarity on the actual area of the Aravallis or even on how many hills qualify under the different definitions being used—whether it’s based on slope, geological criteria, or the new 100-metre height threshold.
The Minister has claimed that the Aravalli range spans four states and 39 districts. However, no official list of these districts has been placed in the public domain. We are asking the minister to make the list of these 39 Aravalli districts public, so there is clarity on where the Aravallis are officially recognised in law. According to a Ministry of Environment and Forests committee report, prepared after much deliberation, 37 districts were initially mentioned, but only 34 were ultimately identified as Aravalli districts in the final analysis. So where does the figure of 39 come from? The Ministry’s reliance on the 100-metre height criterion further weakens conservation efforts. This criterion originates from geological studies designed to facilitate mining operations, not ecological conservation. Applying it to environmental protection excludes the vast majority of Aravalli hills, which are lower in height but critically important for groundwater recharge, biodiversity, and climate resilience. Claims that this definition protects over 90 percent of the Aravalli area are unsupported, as it remains unclear what area this percentage refers to or what form of protection is being counted. The Ministry’s claim that the total area of the Aravallis is 1,47,000 square kilometres is similarly unsupported as no methodology or mapping exercise has been shared publicly. Moreover, most credible estimates put the Aravalli range at closer to 76,000 square kilometres! If this is the situation of the environment ministry of a country then God knows where we’re heading to.
In practical terms, this opens up vast areas below the 100-metre threshold to mining, construction, commercial activities and real estate. So when the minister says no relaxation has been granted, it feels less like a factual clarification and more like an hollow attempt to construct a make believe narrative for the public.
AB: Environmental activists in India have often faced intimidation, harassment, and even arrest. Have members of the Aravalli Bachao Movement faced similar pressure? How do you view the recent crackdown on environmental activism in the country?
APD: A few years ago, some of us were detained by the police simply for standing silently outside a venue where the chief minister was expected. We had informed the police that we only intended to hand over a letter. There were 30–40 people, including students, holding placards. We deliberately avoid calling our actions “protests,” as we follow Gandhian principles of peaceful, non-confrontational activism. Despite this, one colleague was manhandled, and we were taken to the police station for about three hours.
Since then, we’ve received repeated calls from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), home visits, and questioning about our work and “intentions,” even for silent gatherings. While we’ve been fortunate that it hasn’t escalated further, the broader trend is worrying. Environmental activists, journalists, and dissenting voices are increasingly treated as threats. We stand in solidarity with others facing similar pressure, including Sonam Wangchuk and the Save Ladakh campaign.
