Greece’s LNG bet: How US energy interests are quietly redrawing Greece's geopolitics

Greek flag and USA flag vector images, via Wikimedia Commons. Remixed by Global Voices.

Over the past few years, Greece has undergone a major geopolitical shift. It is driven not solely by parliamentary diplomacy but also by LNG flows, offshore ties, and the growing expansion and reach of mega US energy corporations.

The main sectors of this transformation are a strengthened relationship between Washington and the government of New Democracy, led by Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, and ExxonMobil's increasingly dominant role in Greece’s emerging LNG network. The company is estimated to have invested between USD 50 and 100 million in exploration and energy projects, aligning closer with US strategic interests in southern Europe.

What is publicly framed as energy diversification or diplomacy is, critics argue, a restructuring of Greece’s independence that binds the country closer to US geopolitical interests at the expense of domestic autonomy.

The US LNG push and Greek political autonomy

Over the past year, US LNG executives, including officials from both the current and the previous administration, and EU energy ministers have worked closely with Athens. They have stated that they aimed to strengthen regional energy security, but, in practice, the US is further positioning Greece as a key gateway for US LNG into Europe.

ExxonMobil’s planned drilling projects and offshore exploration blocks, particularly in the Ionian Sea, give the company unprecedented influence over future gas production. With the latest agreements, ExxonMobil is set to hold a 60 percent controlling stake in Block 2, giving it the power to influence development, profit distribution, and the long-term energy resource strategy.

For Washington, Greece serves two primary functions: a replacement corridor for Russian gas, especially after the sabotage of Nord Stream 1 and 2, and a geopolitical counterweight to China’s entrenched presence at the Port of Piraeus through COSCO. This position is a key part of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and has made Piraeus one of the largest ports in Europe.

The LNG market after the war in Ukraine

The increasing demand for LNG originates primarily from the Russia–Ukraine war, which shifted Europe’s focus to scramble for alternatives after Moscow cut pipeline supplies. According to International Energy Agency data, the largest LNG importers last year were China, Japan, and Europe. With Europe’s ambition to be ahead in securing LNG contracts turned toward the US Gulf Coast, especially Texas, one of the world’s most active export regions, it is clear that the US is a key player in this process. Greece has seized this opportunity, marketing itself as a strategic LNG hub linking the Suez–Eastern Mediterranean–Europe axis.

Alexandroupolis and Revithoussa: Backbone of the new energy order

The Revithoussa LNG terminal. Photo by Schuppi, via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0.

The Alexandroupolis FSRU, in operation since 2024, is the primary driver of the US–Greece energy partnership project. They are backed by both Washington and the European Union; the terminal enjoys regulatory exemptions that underscore its political weight.

Meanwhile, Revithoussa, Greece’s long-standing LNG terminal, remains the country’s import site. If the other terminals, such as Dioriga near Corinth, Thrace, an offshore FSRU near Alexandroupolis in Northern Greece, Argo, a proposed FSRU project in Volos, and a planned FSRU for the port of Thessaloniki, move forward, Greece will effectively become the southeastern European LNG gateway, a development from which U.S. corporations, especially ExxonMobil, stand to benefit most.

One of the best examples is the recent USD 2 billion deal that enables Ukraine to import US LNG through Greek infrastructure, routing the gas across the vertical corridor to Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Moldova, and Ukraine. This marks Greece as one of the first EU states to directly facilitate Washington’s agenda to replace Russian gas on a regional scale.

Washington’s expanding footprint

The arrival of the new US ambassador, Kimberly Guilfoyle, signals Washington’s intent to tighten its grip on Greece further. Her appointment coincides with a US push to channel LNG exports through Greek ports, as mentioned before, including Revithoussa and Alexandroupolis.

Since 2018, US defense contractors have been playing an increasingly prominent role in gaining access to Greece’s multi-billion-euro military infrastructure. This trend has sparked growing discontent among Greek citizens wary of creeping militarization. And this realignment, as many critics see, is that Greece is becoming a Euro–Atlantic energy hub with a push forward operating node for US interests and a strategized pushback against China.

China’s counterweight: COSCO and Piraeus

The rivalry between the US and China illuminates the conflict between the two nations in Greek ports. COSCO’s majority ownership of the Port of Piraeus has made Beijing one of Greece’s most influential economic partners. During Greece’s turmoil regarding the debt crisis, Beijing has honorably framed its support as “reliable” when Europe and Washington offered austerity.

From China, Piraeus still plays a key role in the BRI as a strong foothold. For Washington, on the other hand, it is a clear geopolitical vulnerability, which the US seeks to offset by embedding itself deeper into Greece's energy, defense, and infrastructure sectors. Greece finds itself deeper in the competition between global powers, making it a significant area for a geopolitical power grab.

The Elefsis Question: Influence without ownership

Although rumors have circulated regarding Elefsina port being handed to the US, the reality is more nuanced. The shipyard and port facilities are still under Greek ownership, run by ONEX Elefsis Shipyards. But the whole discussion of the US involvement is far from mistaken. The US International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) issued a USD 125 million loan to modernize the shipyard. This is mainly seen as a way for the US to counter Chinese influence in the region.

Greece caught in the middle

Greece’s role in the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC) further strengthens ties with US-backed geopolitical structures, with countries even including Israel, Cyprus, and the UK. This growing network brings challenges to Greek society: who exactly benefits most from this energy shift: the public or foreign corporations?

Questions regarding the level of Greek sovereignty and the country's trading for geopolitical importance are set to provoke a wary response from many. Local Greek citizens have stressed their anxiety about rising energy bills, Greece’s increasing lean towards militarization, and concerns of foreign entanglements have become clearer.

The concern is whether Greece will become a frontline country in confronting great power competition. What has become evident is that Greece’s push to integrate LNG is more than energy diplomacy; it is a restructuring of Greece’s geopolitical identity, shaped not only in Athens but also in the U.S. and key political players in the EU.

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