Nadira Yeasmin holding a sign advocating for women's rights against a background of people holding signs saying “We stand with Nadira Yeasmin.” Cover remix by Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay. Images used with permission.
In the aftermath of Bangladesh’s historic student-people's uprising in July 2024 that led to the removal of then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the promise of democratic reform and gender justice has begun to unravel. Amid escalating violence and a surge in reactionary politics, women who once stood at the forefront of protest are now facing censorship, threats, and state complicity. At the heart of this regression is Nadira Yeasmin, a feminist academic and vocal advocate for equal inheritance rights, who has become a prime target of Islamist backlash.
Since the formation of the interim government on August 5, 2024, the country has witnessed a troubling rise in criminal activities, fuelled by the deteriorating law and order mechanisms in the country. Violence against women has escalated alarmingly, with a surge in sexual assault, cyber abuse, and mob justice. Many of the women who once led the charge in last year's anti-Hasina protests are now being systematically sidelined, scapegoated, and silenced. The collective hope for a more just and democratic future that once fuelled the streets has given way, for many, to fear.
Nowhere is this shift more visible than in the backlash to a recently released draft report by the Women's Affairs Reform Commission, which proposed reforms including equal inheritance rights for women — a move that has ignited fury among the Islamist hardliners across the country. Conservative groups and political parties, including Hefazat-e-Islam, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, Khelafat Majlis, and several influential ulema (scholars of Islamic doctrine), have denounced the report for allegedly violating Sharia principles, which prescribe that sons and daughters will each receive a 2:1 ratio of wealth. Their most vocal objections center on the proposal for a “uniform family code” to replace religion-based personal laws for marriage and family, and on the recommendation to recognize sex work as legitimate labor. On May 3, thousands marched through the streets of Dhaka, accusing the commission of disregarding religious and cultural sensitivities. A writ was filed against the report on May 4th.
Among those caught in the firestorm is Nadira Yeasmin, a women's rights advocate and assistant professor at Narsingdi Government College located in central Bangladesh. Yeasmin, who edits Hisya (which means share in Bangla) — a grassroots feminist magazine — has long been vocal for equal property rights for Bangladeshi women. Consequently, Nadira’s unwavering activism and outspoken advocacy for women’s rights have made her a target of the reactionaries.
Since late May, groups including Hefazat-e-Islam and students from her own college have staged numerous protests demanding her removal. Rather than protecting her, the state appeared to capitulate: on short notice, Yeasmin was transferred to Satkhira — a district in southwestern Bangladesh synonymous with ultra-conservative politics and deep ties to Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, the country's largest Islamist party. Stripped of her teaching duties, she was reassigned as an Officer on Special Duty (OSD), a civil service officer with no assigned duties.
Yeasmin's abrupt removal and the interim administration’s silence on this matter drew widespread condemnation from academics, civil society, feminist and human rights groups, who asked the government to reverse the decision.
In an interview with Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay via email, Nadira Yeasmin discusses the coordinated efforts to silence women's voices in post-uprising Bangladesh, her fight for equal rights, and what her case says about the state of the country’s fragile democracy.
Abhimanyu Bandyopadhyay (AB): Hardliners have been orchestrating an online boycott campaign against you since 2024. What do you think prompted them to escalate things so drastically this year?
Nadira Yeasmin (NY): The turning point was the Women’s Affairs Reform Commission report. While my organisation, Nari Angan, doesn’t endorse every single recommendation, we publicly welcomed the report as a historic milestone and actively advocated for it. Our activism, especially in rural and working-class communities, has been about educating women on their fundamental rights. This clearly unsettled the conservative groups. But what actually provoked them was my public criticism of Hefazat-e-Islam’s rally in Dhaka. That didn’t go unnoticed. In Bangladesh, the moment you call out religious extremism, you’re branded anti-Islam, and everything follows from there.
AB: What forms have these threats taken?
NY: In Narsingdi, reactionary religious groups dominate public discourse. These groups have long been conducting their malicious activities all across the country under the guise of non-political organizations such as “Tawhidi Janata” and “Hefazat-e-Islam.” They’ve launched coordinated social media attacks, cyber-harassment campaigns, and have labelled me “anti-Islam” in a very calculated way. Colleagues and students who showed support faced harassment, while my landlord and local mosque committees received threats pressuring them to act against me.
AB: Your sudden transfer to Satkhira drew widespread attention. Where do things stand now?
NY: As a government employee, I’ve always understood that transfers are part of the job. But what happened in my case went far beyond the bounds of a routine transfer. Why Satkhira? Out of hundreds of possible postings, they chose the one district where ultra-conservative forces rule. It was clearly a workaround, a loophole, and a calculated measure to silence me. However, the cycle of harassment didn’t end there. Some students filed a petition to remove me again. On June 1, I was transferred to another college in Tangail — but that order was rescinded the same night, and I was placed fully on OSD status in Dhaka. As of now, my workplace remains uncertain. I continue to work remotely online, awaiting clarity.
AB: How do you view the role of the interim government in all of this?
NY: Deeply disappointing. After the fall of Hasina’s regime in August, many of us held onto the hope that Bangladesh would finally become a freer place. We believed the spirit of the July Uprising might translate into something lasting. Instead, that spirit is fading fast. What we’re seeing today is not what we fought for. We wanted a Bangladesh where voices like mine wouldn’t be silenced. But the silence of this interim administration is deafening.
AB: How would you describe the situation for women in Bangladesh today?
NY: Grim. During the uprising, the rebellious women of Bangladesh stood at the forefront of the revolution, fearlessly leading the protests despite facing brutal attacks, lynchings, and even death. It is deeply shameful to witness how their presence and voices have been gradually pushed back into the shadows. Since August, we’ve seen a surge in gender-based violence: sexual assaults, mob lynchings, and digital abuse. For the women of Bangladesh, nothing has truly changed. The problem isn’t religion per se. It’s how religion is being weaponised as a tool to deprive women of property and power, thereby sustaining gender-based domination. Underneath it all is a deeply ingrained male aggression, masked as moral concern. And sadly, the state has normalised this violence through its silence.
AB: Women's property rights remain one of the most contentious issues in Bangladesh. How far can your campaign go?
NY: It’s a long and painful road, but we can’t afford to stop. In Bangladesh, Muslim women face severe legal and social restrictions regarding inheritance, while Hindu and Buddhist women have it even worse — they are practically excluded altogether. Until equal rights in family property are ensured, I believe compensation is justified.
I am not afraid. Even if I lose my job, I will keep speaking. I know there are people who will stand with me, no matter how dark things get.
AB: The Commission’s proposal to recognize sex work as labor sparked controversy. What’s your stance?
NY: It’s a delicate issue. Sex workers deserve dignity, safety, and social protections. Framing sex work purely as a labor category is deeply troubling. The conversation could have been more productive if it had centered on rehabilitation, social security, and broader human rights for sex workers, rather than treating it as a matter of labor categorization. The commission could have been more thoughtful in certain areas before making it public. Some elements included in the report feel unnecessary and have only generated avoidable controversy. These distractions have made it harder for us to mobilize effectively at the grassroots level. Still, in the larger picture, this report marks a hopeful beginning. If used wisely, it can catalyse a transformative change.
AB: Do you see any hopeful future for the women of Bangladesh?
Nadira Yeasmin (NY): Yes — but it’s a long, uphill fight. Women’s rights are inseparable from the rights of farmers, factory workers, and the broader working class. If they don’t win, neither do we.
The struggle is far from over. But the battle being waged by Bangladeshi women — even under the shadow of rising Tawhidi Janata influence — is one of extraordinary courage. And we’re not leaving the battlefield any time soon.
