Photo of Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan, Russia. Photo by Aleksandr Sobolev on Unsplash. Used under an Unsplash license.
The second-largest ethnic group in the modern Russian Federation, after the Russians, are the Tatars, Turkic-speaking Sunni Muslims who are indigenous to the Volga and Ural regions, including the federal republics of Tatarstan and Bashkortostan. They were also the first Muslim people conquered by Russia in the 16th century. Although some Tatars converted to Christianity and became a sub-ethnic group, most of the Tatar population remains Muslim. As such, they were culturally and religiously much closer to the Bashkirs, Siberian peoples, and Central Asians than to the Russians. Nevertheless, the Tatars were the most “integrated” non-Russian ethnic group within the Russian Empire, and later, the Soviet Union.
Over the past five centuries, however, the Tatars, like other minority peoples of Russia, have participated in political and armed resistance against imperial authorities. Moscow either brutally suppressed these national movements or negotiated with the protesters. Now, in the context of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, these longstanding tensions between Moscow and the Republic of Tatarstan have intensified. Even before the war, the Kremlin abolished the mandatory study of the Tatar language in Tatarstan's schools, prohibited narratives contradicting imperial doctrine, and systematically eroded any traces of the Republic's sovereignty. The number of people from Tatarstan sent to war is disproportionately high. The mortality rate — the number of deaths per 10,000 men aged 16 to 61 — in Tatarstan is 15.4, compared to 1.6 in Moscow.
The Kremlin also persecutes activists from Tatarstan. In 2024, journalist Alsu Kurmasheva spent 288 days in prison for “spreading fake news” about the Russian army. Similarly, journalist Farida Kurbanalieva faces charges for “justifying terrorism,” and political scientist and publicist Ruslan Aysin is under investigation.
Global Voices interviewed Ruslan Aysin over email. Tatar publicist and editor-in-chief of the magazine Poistine, Aysin is facing criminal charges from the Russian Interior Ministry for “rehabilitating Nazism,” though most experts believe this is retaliation for his opposition to the invasion of Ukraine.
Photo of Ruslan Aysin from his personal archives. Used with permission.
Global Voices (GV): Were you surprised when the Russian authorities opened a criminal case against you, or did you expect such a move?
Ruslan Aysin (RA): I certainly expected that criminal cases would eventually be opened against me. It was inevitable, and I was prepared for it. The Russian repressive system operates this way — it's a mechanism of pressure that removes individuals from the legal field, declaring them state criminals and enemies of the people, much like in Stalin's times. As the saying goes, if there is no case against you and you're not in prison, it's not your achievement, but rather the authorities’ oversight. The Russian security apparatus is so powerful and total that it rivals the times of Stalinist repressions. People are being imprisoned for nothing, for thought crimes, just like in Orwell's work, for simply holding a position, even a neutral one. You must openly and passionately demonstrate loyalty to this dictatorship, or you are automatically declared an enemy, which is what happened to me.
GV: Other Tatar journalists, such as Farida Kurbanalieva and Alsu Kurmasheva, have also faced repression. Do you think this is part of a deliberate Kremlin plan to destroy the Tatar national movement?
RA: The Kremlin has indeed targeted and declared enemies the most prominent figures within the Tatar community, not only within the national movement but also those who represent public interest, who have an audience, and who can influence people's minds. Many intellectuals and cultural figures in Tatarstan face criminal charges under various pretexts. As the saying goes, “If there's a person, a case will be found.” This is a deliberate strategy aimed at intimidating others, making them fearful of speaking out about the issues facing the Tatar people, their subjectivity, sovereignty, language preservation, and culture. Talking about Tatar identity is already considered a crime, let alone discussing the status of the republic or its independence.
GV: How would you describe the current state of the Tatar national-religious movement? How does it fit into the broader opposition discourse in Russia, and how does it connect with the global Muslim movement advocating for their rights?
RA: The Tatar national movement has always been strong with its leaders, ideas, and projects. In the 1990s, the Tatar people were among the leaders in reclaiming statehood and preserving their identity. In 1994, Tatarstan signed a special Federative Treaty with Russia, which defined Tatarstan as an independent entity with relations with Russia based on a treaty. But Putin's rise to power dismantled this system. Tatarstan was politically and economically surrounded and came to be viewed by Moscow as a rebellious separatist region. We later saw how Moscow systematically worked to suffocate Tatarstan and the Tatar people, eliminating any chance of autonomy.
Tatars are undoubtedly part of the global Muslim community. They built mosques across Russia and were reformers and scholars long before the revolution. They have made significant contributions to the spiritual heritage of Islam and continue to see themselves as part of the Muslim civilization. However, due to their subjugated and constrained state, they are unable to fully realize their potential.
GV: What is your “maximum plan” for your native region? Would a victory for the Tatars be an independent state or a reformation of the Russian state on new principles?
RA: I believe that, sooner or later, the Tatars, as the second-largest ethnic group in the Russian Federation, will gain the right to sovereignty and independence. The Tatars have a rich history and well-developed political self-consciousness. They remember their roots and know that they once controlled vast territories, covering almost half of what is now called the Russian Federation. Therefore, the Tatars are not just about Tatarstan. Only about 27 percent of Tatars live in Tatarstan today, with the rest spread across the vast expanses of Eurasia, the United States, and Australia. Personally, I support a broad political project for the Tatars. To this end, I developed the “Five Tatars” project, which includes not only the republic itself but also the Idel-Ural region, Greater Tatarstan, the Tatar diaspora, and the Tatar factor — the Tatar logos projected onto all these levels. This project encompasses different forms of political representation for the Tatar ethnic group. Tatars need to develop several models that meet their demands and historical claims in the new geopolitical reality that will inevitably follow.
