Logo of Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity. Used with permission.
Mexico is a country mired in the dark depths of corruption. In the 2015 Corruption Perceptions Index [1] from the NGO Transparency International, Mexico ranked 95 out of 167, alongside Armenia, Mali and the Philippines. Not surprisingly, Mexican lawmakers earlier this year watered down [2] a package of reforms meant to promote transparency.
With a political class reticent to change the rules, who seem to be more interested in maintaining a status quo that benefits them, who can we trust to forge a better future? Perhaps civil organizations who are separate from the country's particracy [3].
With this in mind, we spoke with the co-founders of Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity [4], sociologist and researcher María Amparo Casar [5] and lawyer and social activist Claudio X. González [6], to understand their perspective on the corruption crisis and their plans to combat it.
Below is an extract from an interview with María Amparo Casar.
Global Voices (GV): What is the magnitude of the corruption problem in Mexico? How serious is it and what are some of the consequences?
María Amparo Casar (MAC): La corrupción es un problema crítico por la extensión del fenómeno, la frecuencia con que ocurre y las consecuencias que acarrea. A nivel nacional la población considera que las prácticas de corrupción son frecuentes o muy frecuentes y que el nivel de la corrupción actual comparado con el de los últimos años ha aumentado considerablemente. La corrupción ha ido escalando entre las inquietudes de la población hasta que hoy en día la mayoría de las encuestas la sitúan entre los problemas que más preocupan a los mexicanos.
María Amparo Casar (MAC): Corruption is a major problem because of how widespread the phenomenon is, how frequently it occurs and the consequences it carries. On a national level, people think that corruption is frequent or very frequent and that the current level of corruption has increased considerably over the last years. Worries about corruption have been on the rise among the general population and nowadays surveys show that it is the one of biggest concerns for Mexicans.
The organization based part of these observations on their study of Mexico's press. In recent times, numerous cases have caught the attention of print media.
MAC: Una de las mediciones que permite estudiar la frecuencia de actos de corrupción en México es el análisis de prensa. El aumento de menciones de corrupción en la prensa es impresionante: de 502 notas periodísticas y 27 titulares de periódicos que mencionaban la palabra en 1996 se pasó a 29,505 notas y 2,587 titulares en 2014. Este notable crecimiento no indica necesariamente el incremento de la corrupción en México. La transición democrática que vivió́ el país en el último tercio del siglo XX trajo aparejada mayor libertad de prensa y, a partir de 2002, un considerable incremento en el acceso a la información pública. Es posible que los actos de corrupción se hayan mantenido en niveles semejantes al pasado pero que dadas la mayor libertad, el mayor número y pluralidad de medios (sobre todo en la prensa y redes sociales), los recursos dedicados a la investigación periodística independiente y el interés de exhibirlos por parte de los medios de comunicación, el conocimiento de los mismos y la conciencia generalizada sobre este problema haya crecido exponencialmente.
En México, el problema de la corrupción se considera como de carácter sistémico, dicho de otra manera, que permea a casi la totalidad del cuerpo político, económico y social. En otras democracias que han avanzado en el control de la corrupción, ésta se presenta como una excepción o como un problema que se concentra sólo en algunos sectores o instituciones.
MAC: One of the methods that allows the frequency of corrupt acts to be studied is a press analysis. The rise in references to corruption in the press is striking: From 502 reports and 27 newspaper headlines which mentioned the word in 1996 to 29,505 reports and 2,587 headlines in 2014. This sizable increase doesn't necessarily indicate corruption is on the rise in Mexico. The democratic transition which the country went through in the last part of the 20th century brought with it greater freedom for the press and, since 2002, a considerable rise in access to public information. It's possible that corruption levels have remained the same as compared to the past, only that more freedom, a greater number and variety of media sources (above all in the press and social media sites), more resources dedicated to independent journalistic research and interest on the part of media outlets to publish, have lead to the exponential growth in knowledge and general awareness about this issue. The corruption problem is considered a systemic issue in Mexico. In other words, it permeates almost the entirety of the political, economic and social sphere. In other democracies, where there have been advances in controlling corruption, it is only an exception to the rule or a problem which is concentrated in a few sectors or institutions.
The cost of this problem is also very high.
MAC: La corrupción tiene altos costos sociales, económicos y políticos. En el ámbito económico, la corrupción da como resultado menor competencia, pérdida de competitividad y productividad, disminución de la inversión, menor tasa de eficiencia en la recaudación y el desvío del gasto público hacia fines privados.
MAC: Corruption has high social, economic and political costs. In the economic sphere corruption lowers the ability to compete, resulting in a loss of competitiveness and productivity, loss of investment, lower rates of earning efficiency and the diversion of public money towards private purposes.
In addition, Amparo Casar mentioned other consequences of corruption that also contribute to the seriousness of the situation:
MAC: En el espacio social, [la corrupción] contribuye a la desigualdad en el ingreso, promueve el clientelismo, disminuye la equidad de oportunidades y provoca el desvío de recursos dedicados a los programas sociales; erosiona la confianza entre individuos y el tejido social. Adicionalmente, profundiza la desigualdad en el acceso a la justicia e incentiva la violencia.
MAC: In the social arena, [corruption] contributes to income inequality, promotes cronyism, diminishes equal opportunities and provokes the diversion of funds dedicated to social programs. This erodes trust between individuals and the social fabric. Additionally, it deepens inequality in terms of access to justice and promotes violence.
Full logo for the organization. Image used with permission.
GV: What is Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity trying to do to deal with this problem?
MAC: Nos hemos propuesto generar las condiciones normativas, institucionales y culturales necesarias para que los ciudadanos, funcionarios públicos y el sector privado eviten, rechacen y denuncien la corrupción, en todas sus formas. Por ello, Mexicanos contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad se compromete a:
- Estudiar, medir y exhibir las causas, costos, impactos y consecuencias de la corrupción.
- Proponer ordenamientos jurídicos y políticas públicas tendientes a cerrar las ventanas de oportunidad que generan los actos y redes de corrupción, así como la impunidad que los acompaña.
- Investigar, denunciar y perseguir casos y redes de corrupción frente a los que las autoridades permanecen impasibles.
- Traducir, encauzar y conducir la indignación ciudadana en acciones conducentes a combatir la corrupción a través de la cultura de la denuncia y la participación social.
Esto implica una acción integral, no sólo para denunciar, sino para exigir sanciones y proponer acciones ante actos de corrupción, que involucren y empoderen a los ciudadanos.
MAC: We have proposed the creation of necessary institutional and cultural regulatory conditions so that citizens, public servants and the private sector avoid, reject and report corruption, in all of its forms. Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity therefore commits itself to:
- Study, measure and expose the causes, costs, impact and consequences of corruption.
- Propose judicial and political laws aimed at closing opportunities for corrupt acts and corruption networks, as well as the impunity that goes along with them.
- Investigate, report and pursue cases and corruption networks that authorities have been indifferent towards.
- Transmit, channel and direct the people's indignation into actions which battle corruption through a culture of citizen reporting and social participation.
This means integrated action, not only to report [corruption], but also to demand sanctions and propose actions meant to deal with corrupt acts. This will involve and empower the people.
GV: How to you plan on involving citizens? What response do you expect to receive?
MAC: Queremos ser el referente en el tema de corrupción e impunidad y difundiremos reportajes, trabajos de investigación aplicada y litigio estratégico que desarrolle la organización.
Además, buscaremos brindar espacio a información de distintas fuentes, que refleje la pluralidad de las voces que se pronuncian sobre el tema en el país.
El objetivo es crear una comunidad interesada en su entorno y cómo contribuir a combatir la corrupción.
MAC: We want to be an example for the corruption and impunity issue. We are disseminating reports, research and strategic litigation which the organization is working on.
We are also creating space for information from different sources which reflect the variety of voices that are talking about this issue in our country.
The objective is to create a community that is interested in their surroundings and to contribute ways to battle corruption.
Amparo Casar pointed to social networking sites, in particular, as a way to reach out:
MAC: A través de Twitter [7] nuestro público es más especializado; provienen de la academia y de medios de comunicación, quienes a su vez poseen un público muy enfocado en esos sectores, por lo que buscamos colocar temas en la agenda prioritarios en la lucha contra la corrupción.
En Facebook [8] el público es más doméstico y variado. Aglutina ciudadanos “de a pie” principalmente, quienes acostumbran informarse a través de las redes sociales, y en esta red buscamos generar un debate entre la ciudadanía y especialistas.
MAC: Through our Twitter account [7] we reach a more specialized public; people from academia and media outlets, people who in turn have a very specialized public focused in those sectors. For this reason we post pressing agenda issues about the fight against corruption.
On Facebook [8] our public is less specialized and more varied. It is mostly made of up of ordinary citizens who are used to keeping themselves informed with social networks; on this site we try to generate a debate between citizens and specialists.
GV: Could you point to a country where corruption has decreased as a result of citizen participation, as an example for Mexico to follow?
MAC: México no está condenado a ser un país caracterizado por la corrupción y la impunidad. En esta transformación, el compromiso de los ciudadanos y la presión de la sociedad civil son esenciales: ningún país que haya sido exitoso en reducir significativamente la corrupción lo ha hecho sin que la sociedad desempeñe un papel protagónico en ese esfuerzo.
Sólo desde la sociedad civil puede surgir la acción coordinada necesaria para romper las redes de complicidad que sostienen a la corrupción. Además, es en la sociedad en donde los valores, actitudes y conductas se pueden transformar para establecer nuevos patrones de socialización, en los que la ilegalidad no tenga cabida.
Se requiere el compromiso y la acción de todos los integrantes de la sociedad –ciudadanos, gobierno y sector privado– sobre una base normativa legítima y eficaz y al amparo de un sistema de justicia capaz de hacer valer la ley de manera irrestricta. La sociedad necesita posicionar un frente común que, de manera permanente, rechace y denuncie la ilegalidad, que exhiba a quienes se corrompen y que renuncie a ser un eslabón más en la cadena.
Existen varios países en donde la presión ciudadana ha obligado a cambios institucionales para combatir la corrupción. Recientemente, el Primer Ministro de Islandia presentó su renuncia después de que más de 10 mil ciudadanos se manifestaran exigiendo respuestas sobre su vinculación con el escándalo denominado Panama Papers. En democracias consolidadas, la pérdida de credibilidad y legitimidad es suficiente para que los políticos rindan cuentas a los ciudadanos, con acciones que pueden llegar, incluso, a la renuncia, sin que haya un juicio político o investigaciones formales de por medio. Ese es el tipo de relación entre ciudadanos y gobierno al que debemos aspirar.
MAC: Mexico is not condemned to be a country defined by corruption and impunity. In this transformation, citizen commitment and pressure from civil society is crucial. No country has been able to successfully reduce corruption in a significant way without society taking a lead role in the effort.
It is only from civil society that the coordinated action needed to break these networks of complicity that support corruption can come about. It is also from within society that values, attitudes and conduct can transform to establish new social patterns where illegal activities have no place.
This requires commitment and action on all levels of society – citizens, government and the private sector – built on a legitimate and effective normative foundation and the protection of a judicial system capable of enforcing the law without exception. Society needs to come together in a common front which permanently rejects and reports illegal activities, exposes corrupt individuals and refuses to be another cog in the wheel.
There are a number of countries where citizen pressure has forced institutional change and combated corruption. Recently, the prime minister of Iceland gave his resignation after more than 10,000 citizens protested and demanded answers regarding his connection to the Panama Papers scandal. In strong democracies, the loss of credibility and legitimacy is enough for politicians to be held accountable by citizens, even leading to resignation without the need of impeachment or formal investigations. This is the type of citizen-government relationship that we aspire to.
María Amparo Casar. Photo used with permission.
María Amparo Casar is the executive president of Mexicans Against Corruption and Impunity. She is editorialist [9] for the newspaper Excélsior and she has also worked as anti-corruption [10] director for the Mexican Institute of Competitiveness. You can follow her on her Twitter account @AmparoCasar [5].